President Trump meets with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at the White House next week.
We can expect her to promote the pro-immigrant, pro-Iran agenda she’s been pushing on anyone who will listen.
To understand the roots of her policies, it’s helpful to look at the last time she came calling to Washington, three months after President Trump took office.
She was accompanied by the Kaesar – Joe Kaesar, CEO of Siemens, the German engineering and industrial giant.
Peel back the chancellor’s humanitarian rhetoric of peace and tolerance and you will see her policies match the mercantile interests of Siemens seamlessly.
When she welcomed 1 million emigres from the Middle East to settle in Germany, this was a marriage of convenience between Siemens and Merkel: Siemens needed cheap labor, and Merkel took the hinges off the doors of the hiring hall.
The German government gives the new arrivals generous housing, welfare and job training benefits. So does Siemens.
“Siemens is committed to helping refugees,” the company declares. In addition to offering refugees paid internships, the company created a special six-month-long course of “intensive language instruction” and “pre-vocational training” so the new crop of guest workers from Syria, Afghanistan, Eritrea, Somalia, Ethiopia, Iran and Pakistan can meet entry-level requirements for an apprenticeship.
Siemens Real Estate is housing over 1,100 future guest workers at company facilities it has converted to living spaces at locations across Germany and Austria.
Imagine the possibilities: In the borderless future Siemens envisions, employees will not only work on company property, they will live there, too. All that’s missing is the company store.
We can expect Chancellor Merkel to implore President Trump to keep the Iran nuclear deal, because Iran is another profit center for Germany, and for Siemens, too. German exports to Iran rose 23 percent in the first half of 2017.
Siemens was one of the first companies to make a deal with Iran after the Obama administration lifted sanctions in January 2016. It inked deals worth billions to build railroads and power plants for the Islamist regime.
Siemens’ subsidiary Nokia also provided Iran’s ayatollahs with the surveillance apparatus to spy on opponents’ phone calls and social media networking during the Green Revolution, according to Iranian human rights activists.
You can’t say “Iran nuclear deal” without “nuclear,” and you will find Siemens’ fingerprints there, too.
Siemens built Iran’s nuclear reactors in 1979 before the revolution and has been selling Iran spare parts ever since, in violation of international sanctions.
That’s not all. Siemens software controlled the uranium enrichment centrifuges at the center of Iran’s drive for an atomic bomb. When the Stuxnet computer virus monkey-wrenched the mullahs’ nuke program, Siemens reassured its customers that the problem could be easily fixed.
Siemens rose from the ashes of Nazi crematoria (which it built) to emerge as a global conglomerate, using the dark arts of crony capitalism to build its global business in infrastructure, automation, engineering, health care and energy.
Siemens bribed politicians in Greece and admits to having run slush funds in dozens of countries to win contracts. Its wind power division lives on U.S. government subsidies even as the company lays off hundreds of American workers.
The Merkel government is essentially a wholly owned subsidiary of Siemens.
When the chancellor speaks about moral duty toward migrants and peace with Iran, her lips are moving, but the words are coming from the board room of Germany’s largest engineering firm.